How Hispanic Purchase Decisions Are Shaped

Latin American immigrants come from different socioeconomic backgrounds. Some of them come from very poor rural communities, in which Spanish may not the mainstream language and where purchasing options are very limited. Other immigrants lived in metropolitan areas, received some formal education and were exposed to the marketing campaigns of the bigger cities.

Despite their different experiences in their country of origin, they all become consumers in the United States. This unifying trait not only raises questions about the level of sophistication when making purchasing decisions, but also about the different dimensions that influence such decisions. Through a series of interviews, this paper will examine the role of other Hispanics, non-Hispanics and identity in the purchasing decisions of Hispanic consumers.

After interviewing Grace a native of El Paso and third generation Mexican American, I noted that she uses two reference groups when making purchasing decisions. Most of her food and beverage consumption is based on Mexican food or products. Moreover, it is clear that this is a way for her to preserve her identity and transmit it to her children. In other words, identity and consumer behavior are related when analyzing Grace’s patterns of consumption for this particular products (Jarritos, Mexican Restaurants, Chorizo). When buying clothes, cars or entertainment she uses her co-workers and friends as a reference group. Most of them are county employees and are not necessarily Hispanics. In fact, the majority are black and Caucasian. For example: she owns a motorcycle, which is not necessarily a popular item in the Hispanic culture. On the contrary, it is related to the idea of a “Harley-Davidson lifestyle” which is shared by members of the U.S. mainstream culture.

I observed a similar pattern with another interviewee. Her names is Patricia, she is originally form Honduras and came the United States three years ago. Patricia works as a nanny for a wealthy family in Gulf Breeze, Fla. After interviewing her, it was clear that her interaction with this family had influenced her purchasing decisions. She is very knowledgeable of high-end products such as: Coach Handbags, Nine West Shoes or gourmet food items. She not only has become aware of such products, but also started to consume them. More specifically, by using those products she feels that somehow she is acquiring a similar status and class level as the family that she works for. She also mentioned that she generally buys Honduran food products when she gathers with her friends or family.

An interesting pattern that I observed was the association of high status with the United Colors of Benetton brand and how it changed after moving to the U.S. Apparently, this brand is very famous and expensive in Honduras; however, in the United States this brand is not very well known and has very few retail outlets, most of them in metropolitan areas. Patricia referred to this brand as a high quality brand used by the higher class in Honduras. Even though, she has not been able to buy it in the U.S, she is willing to do so if she finds a United Colors of Benetton retailer. In other words, her purchasing decisions remain influenced by the purchasing patterns of her Honduran peers, which are not necessarily shared in the United States. This exemplifies how group affiliation can influence purchasing decisions. Moreover, it is interesting to point out that in this case influence is coming from another country.

Julio Valeriano
Florida State University